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Additional info for A Companion to Tudor Britain (Blackwell Companions to British History)
Henry’s natural suspicion also acted in the opposite way: in 1504 the treasurer of Calais, Hugh Conwey – another of Henry’s companions in exile – reported that the king was prone to believe that reports of treasonable activities were made ‘but of envy, yll wille and malis’. That belief saved Conwey’s skin the following year when Henry dismissed a report, probably correctly, by one John Flamank of treasonable words by members of the Calais garrison. There is undeniable evidence, however, that Henry became increasingly suspicious and that his policies to augment the financial security of the crown did, at times, compromise good government and the liberty of the subject.
4 Anyone reading this account will be struck by how little Chrimes appeared to know of what actually happened during the reign. The interaction between the king and the political nation – that is, the landowning classes, nobility and gentry – has become accepted by historians of the fifteenth century as the acid test of the success of any reign. Studying Henry VII by this criterion one can judge the novelty of his reign and his success in establishing the Tudor dynasty. Historians who study Henry’s reign in these terms can be placed in two very distinct categories.
And M. G. Underwood, The King’s Mother: Lady Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond and Derby (Cambridge, 1992). Lander, J. , ‘Bonds, coercion and fear: Henry VII and the peerage’, in J. G. Rowe and W. H. Stockdale, eds, Florilegium Historiale: Essays Presented to Wallace K. Ferguson (Toronto, 1971), pp. 328–67. Luckett, D. , ‘Crown office and licensed retinues in the reign of Henry VII’, in Rowena Archer and Simon Walker, eds, Rulers and Ruled in Late Medieval England (London, 1995), pp. 223–38.